Tags : Qatargate, Morocco, Western Sahara, European Parliament, corruption, bribes, Antonio Panzeri, DGED, Yassine Mansouri, Mohamed Belahrach, Abderrahim Atmoun,
Suspicions of Corruption in the European Parliament: €1.5 Million? Likely Just the Beginning, According to Van Quickenborne
Justice Minister Vincent Van Quickenborne (Open VLD) addressed questions in the Chamber committee on Wednesday, comparing this investigation to the Sky-Ecc case, which led to hundreds of drug trafficking arrests.
Justice Minister Vincent Van Quickenborne (Open VLD) expects that the amounts involved in the ongoing investigation into corruption allegations by Qatar will exceed the €1.5 million mentioned so far by the federal prosecutor’s office, he said on Wednesday in the Chamber committee in response to a question from Samuel Cogolati (Ecolo-Groen).
The investigation, which led to the arrest of four individuals, including one of the vice presidents of the European Parliament and a former European MP, has been ongoing for some time, the minister acknowledged.
As we have reported in previous editions, the State Security Service initiated the case. The Belgian intelligence service had already investigated these corruption suspicions with the services of other countries, according to the minister. Our information suggests there was a covert visit to the home of former MP Antonio Panzeri, one of the individuals under arrest.
Qatar is not the only party involved, according to the minister. Media reports earlier in the day mentioned Morocco. The minister did not name the state in question but explained that it had been implicated in the past for interfering in Belgian affairs (including involvement in the Executive of Muslims).
The interests at play are numerous. One example is fishing rights. In this case, the interference may involve corruption. « These are extremely serious charges, » he added. In the past, a fishing agreement between the European Union and Morocco was contested because it could apply to Western Sahara, a region claimed by Rabat.
According to the minister, the ongoing case is particularly serious. He compared it to the Sky-Ecc case, which led to hundreds of drug trafficking arrests. « This case could represent a similar turning point in the fight against illicit interference by other states, » he said. He added, « A mafia state begins when parliamentarians, elected by the people, are bribed to promote certain views and adopt specific voting behaviors. That’s the end of the rule of law. »
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Corruption Scandal: Between Morocco and the European Union, Hundreds of Millions of Euros and a Disputed Territory
Why would Morocco have bribed members of the European Parliament? Morocco and the EU are special partners, negotiating policies involving hundreds of millions of euros. Amid these discussions, Rabat is seeking allies on the Western Sahara issue.
As days go by, the investigation into suspected corruption in the European Parliament increasingly points toward the Maghreb. Beyond Qatar, investigators are looking into the Moroccan influence (or interference) networks connected to Pier Antonio Panzeri, described as the « Mr. Morocco of the European Parliament » by parliamentary sources. Unlike Qatar, this is not just about alliances and image-building but also about a disputed territory and hundreds of millions of euros in aid. Rabat has a strong interest in getting Brussels’ institutions to support its causes.
In recent years, Morocco has celebrated signing trade agreements with the European Union, particularly regarding agriculture and fishing. At first glance, nothing too exciting. But at the heart of these agreements was the longstanding dispute over Western Sahara, referred to as the « southern provinces » in Morocco. This vast territory, eight times the size of Belgium, has been contested by Moroccans and Sahrawis since Spain’s decolonization in 1975. The Polisario Front, a Sahrawi independence movement, is supported by neighboring Algeria and the UN, which has been tasked with resolving this diplomatic stalemate but has made no significant progress.
In 2019, the European Union signed trade agreements with Morocco that included Western Sahara… A diplomatic victory for Rabat, as the EU implicitly recognized its control over the Sahrawi territory.
Invalidated Agreements
However, these agreements were quickly declared illegal by the Court of Justice of the European Union. The court notably reiterated that Western Sahara has a separate and distinct status and judged that the consent of the Sahrawi people had not been obtained by the EU. In short, neither Morocco nor the EU had the mandate to negotiate agreements involving Western Sahara. According to estimates from the European Commission, the region exports €500 million worth of goods to the European Union. Hardly peanuts.
But the battle isn’t over. « Since Donald Trump recognized Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara at the end of 2020, Moroccan diplomacy has hardened. Rabat believes that other partners, especially European countries, could follow Morocco’s stance, » notes Brahim Oumansour, director of the Maghreb Observatory at IRIS.
Special Partners
Beyond this disputed territory, Morocco also receives hundreds of millions of euros in aid. In 2019, the European Commission approved €389 million to « support reforms, inclusive development, and border management, and to develop a ‘Euro-Moroccan Partnership for Shared Prosperity.' » In recent years, bilateral aid to Morocco has « increased significantly, » according to a European source.
But Morocco has also had tensions with the EU. The Pegasus spyware scandal chilled relations: Morocco is suspected of spying on hundreds of European citizens, including prominent figures like European Council President Charles Michel, who was allegedly targeted by the Pegasus spyware. Since April of this year, a European Parliament inquiry committee has been trying to shed light on part of the scandal. Among the MEPs involved in this investigation was Eva Kaili, the Greek politician currently under indictment.
However, the inquiry is complex and so far spares Morocco, as the MEPs are only investigating the use of the spyware by EU member states. Their mandate does not allow them to investigate the actors behind the orders on the other side of the Mediterranean.
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Moroccan Espionage at the Heart of the Corruption Scandal in the European Parliament
The same criminal organization, used for different purposes by Qatar and Morocco. The alleged corruption case in the European Parliament reveals a « Morocco connection » between Pier Antonio Panzeri and Morocco’s secret services.
Before Qatar, it was Morocco. In an investigation initiated in 2021, Belgium’s State Security Service suspected not only attempts at interference but also corruption at the heart of Europe by a third country. On July 12, 2021, they shared their concerns with the federal prosecutor’s office. Judge Michel Claise was assigned to the case, which was handed over to the federal judicial police and its Central Office for the Repression of Corruption (OCRC). Although Qatar has been in the spotlight since December 9, accused of abusing its influence to curry favor with European democracy’s gatekeepers, Morocco is also a focus of the investigators.
Based on judicial documents, various sources, and open-source investigations, Le Soir and Knack reveal new elements about Morocco’s alleged role and the involvement of its secret services in interference within the European Parliament.
In the European arrest warrant issued on December 9 against Panzeri’s wife and daughter, the judge explained that Panzeri is suspected « of politically intervening with members of the European Parliament in favor of Qatar and Morocco, in exchange for payment. » According to Belgian authorities, based on telephone wiretaps, Panzeri’s wife and daughter were allegedly involved in transporting « gifts » received from the Moroccan ambassador to Poland, Abderrahim Atmoun, a close friend of Panzeri. When contacted, neither Atmoun nor the Moroccan Embassy in Brussels responded.
Intense Lobbying
Morocco’s interest in Panzeri is not new, as evidenced by confidential documents leaked between 2014 and 2015 by a hacker known as Chris Coleman. In an « urgent » note from October 2011 sent by Morocco’s Mission to the European Union in Rabat, it was indicated that « on the sidelines of the plenary session of Parliament in Strasbourg, » at least one representative of the Mission had an « informal meeting » with Panzeri’s advisor, carrying a message « for the Moroccan authorities. »
The purpose of this note was to prepare for Panzeri’s upcoming visit to Morocco two weeks later, while a delicate stop at Tindouf—where several camps of Sahrawi refugees are located—was planned. This stop was necessary to maintain the MEP’s image of neutrality: « The visit to Tindouf is essential to reinforce Panzeri’s credibility with Algeria and the Polisario after they accused him of being pro-Moroccan. » The Polisario Front fights for the independence of Western Sahara.
In summary, everyone agreed that « it is not in Morocco’s interest for Panzeri to be perceived as pro-Moroccan. » By maintaining good relations with both Algerians and Moroccans, and as an accomplished politician able to pursue « a long-term political agenda, always carried out with tact and mastery, » Antonio Panzeri, the diplomatic note warns, « can be a strong ally or a formidable adversary. »
Panzeri, « a close friend of Morocco »
In another cable, this one from January 2013, the Moroccan Mission to the EU submits a roadmap to its own government to promote « Morocco’s interests within the European Parliament in 2013. » This plan includes organizing debates, seminars, and guided tours. The objective of this battle plan is to « counter the growing activism of our adversaries within the European Parliament (EP), » particularly keeping an eye on the report that British MEP Charles Tannock, « known for his pro-Polisario positions, » was drafting on the human rights situation in Western Sahara. Several strategies were proposed, but the Mission was determined to « coordinate its actions with the president of the Maghreb Delegation in the EP, Mr. Antonio Panzeri, a close friend of Morocco, in order to reduce the harm that the Tannock project might cause. »
A pact in 2019
However, it was only several years after these lobbying efforts that both sides reportedly decided to step up their efforts.
This happened in 2019, specifically. That year, Pier Antonio Panzeri was not re-elected. According to the confession of his former assistant, Francesco Giorgi, to the Belgian federal police and later to the judge, the former MEP was in a difficult situation. Panzeri is said to have made a secret pact with the DGED, Morocco’s external intelligence agency, through the diplomat Atmoun. They traveled to Rabat several times. When asked about this, Mr. Panzeri’s lawyer, Laurent Kennes, stated that he « could not comment given his client’s detention. » Atmoun, the key figure in the Moroccan operation, mentioned in the document sent to the Italian judiciary, reportedly received his orders from another man…
« A dangerous guy. » This is how a source close to the case describes Mohamed B., a secret agent from the DGED. This official is said to be the handler of diplomat Abderrahim Atmoun. From Rabat, Mohamed B. would issue his instructions.
A shady affair of “S files”
Le Soir and Knack confirm that this Moroccan secret agent had already been active in France. In an unusual case of trafficking in « S files » (the « S » standing for State Security), confidential documents used by French law enforcement to flag individuals suspected of religious radicalism or even terrorism. Most of these S files are issued by French internal intelligence services (DGSI). Such information is vital for an international airport.
According to Libération, between 2015 and 2016, Mohamed B. was the final recipient of « 100 to 200 » S files, given to him by a French Border Police (PAF) captain based at Paris-Orly Airport. Through a third man, an airport security director, the Moroccan secret agent had manipulated the French policeman to obtain these top-secret files for the Kingdom of Morocco.
The French judicial process revealed that Mohamed B. and his deputy at Orly had invited the French police captain and his family on vacation to Morocco three times, including plane tickets and stays at 4-star hotels, according to the French daily. The PAF captain was invited by the DGED agent to another trip, this time to Uganda, but was arrested just before departure.
After this troubling episode, for which Mohamed B. was not prosecuted by French justice, he disappeared from the radar. He has now resurfaced in the major corruption scandal in the European Parliament.
And suddenly, the European Parliament reappears
But why spend so much money to convince a few MEPs to influence the vote on a resolution in the European Parliament? This question arises so insistently that one concludes Qatar and Morocco saw more potential and impact in the Parliament and its members’ actions than many of its voters and especially national parties, which often send « tired, » troublesome, or obsolete politicians there.
It’s obvious: the list of candidates for European elections holds little strategic weight and sparks even less enthusiasm. The impression remains that the « real » politics—those that impact a party’s electoral success, shape public opinion, and dominate the media—still take place domestically, not in European chambers.
This is unfair to the hard work being done and to the MEPs striving to influence the actions of European executives. For example, Belgian ex-Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt often brought prominence and voice to a too-often invisible institution, or Green Party leader Philippe Lamberts, who played a key role in managing the 2008 financial crisis.
The corruption scandal exposed will force a series of lessons. First, for the institution itself, which through disinterest (on the part of MEPs and the national parties that designate them), disconnection (from the 450 million Europeans who elect them directly), or arrogance/elitism (take your pick) continues to operate without basic controls and disregards the light rules that exist. Without the media and justice, this would have continued: no ethics safeguard within the Parliament was « triggered. » On Thursday, President Metsola committed to new measures, which will only be useful if they start with a collective reflection.
National parties must also learn lessons and closely monitor the activities of their MEPs « over there in Europe » and ensure they adhere to governance standards that regulate their behavior, travel, and various engagements.
The European elite is a potential breeding ground for many ills, leaving the institution vulnerable to external predators. The « shame » of corruption revealed this week, expressed by an MEP in the chamber, could and should have been avoided.
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