Etiquettes : Qatargate, Antonio Panzeri, Francesco Giorgi, Sahara Occidental, Maroc, Marocgate,
Pier Antonio Panzeri (67) is talking. He has agreed to confess everything he knows about the corruption scandal involving the European Parliament in exchange for a reduced sentence. Here’s what he has told investigators over the past weeks as a whistleblower.
A room in the offices of the federal judicial police in Brussels, filmed from all angles. At a table sits Pier Antonio Panzeri with his notes. He is flanked by a lawyer and a translator. He speaks with investigators from the Central Office for Combating Corruption (CDBC). Much depends on what he says. His compliance determines whether he meets the conditions of his agreement as a ‘repentant’ person, signed in January with the federal prosecutor’s office, by the end of the investigation. When Panzeri leaves his prison cell, he talks.
Le Soir, Knack, and our Italian colleagues from La Repubblica have obtained transcripts of Panzeri’s testimony from February 2 and 13, as well as other documents from the investigation file.
In these, the 67-year-old ex-MEP discusses all aspects of the corruption scheme he allegedly set up, to the detriment of the European Parliament and in favor of Morocco, Qatar, and Mauritania. At times, he clears certain accused individuals. Such is the case with Niccolo Figa-Talamanca, the Italian lobbyist who was released by Brussels investigating judge Michel Claise after Panzeri’s February 2 session.
But more often, Panzeri brings incriminating information. His confessions should be read cautiously. They may be contradicted by further investigations or by the testimonies of other defendants. They might even be contradicted by new statements from Panzeri during future hearings.
The lawyers of Eva Kaili and Marc Tarabella, who were both accused by Panzeri in previous testimonies, have already demanded a confrontation between their clients and the whistleblower.
In his recent testimonies, Panzeri admitted that he, along with what seems to be his right-hand man, Francesco Giorgi, received at least 2.6 million euros from the three mentioned countries: Morocco, Qatar, and Mauritania. The majority of that money was paid in cash. According to the whistleblower, part of that amount was distributed between 2018 and 2022 among MEPs and parliamentary staff.
Qatar, according to him, was the organization’s biggest ‘client’, which he claimed to lead. Morocco allegedly transferred at least 180,000 euros in cash (plus gifts and trips), while Mauritania contributed 200,000 euros to the ‘partners’ Panzeri-Giorgi.
Panzeri makes serious accusations against Belgian MEP Marc Tarabella, whom he had already ‘denounced’ during his first hearing after his arrest. But he is equally harsh toward MEPs Andrea Cozzolino, Eva Kaili, and Lara Comi. The latter’s name, an MEP from the Italian party Forza Italia (right-conservative, part of the EPP faction in the European Parliament), appears for the first time in this case. She was not re-elected in 2019 but has been replacing Silvio Berlusconi since November 2022. She denies all accusations.
Antonio Panzeri also claims that he gave gifts or money to two staff members and political advisors of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D).
Le Soir contacted the various individuals and countries mentioned or accused by Panzeri before publishing this article. Unless otherwise noted, the responses criticized the « violation of investigative confidentiality. »
« Our client is cooperating with judicial authorities, and it is not up to us to comment on leaked documents, which therefore constitute a violation of investigative and professional secrecy, » said Laurent Kennes and Marc Uyttendaele, the lawyers of Pier Antonio Panzeri.
Morocco: More than 180,000 euros (plus benefits in kind)
In 2009, when Antonio Panzeri was re-elected to the European Parliament, he became one of the key figures in European diplomacy in Rabat. He became chairman of the delegation for relations with the Maghreb countries and co-chairman of the EU-Morocco joint parliamentary committee. His path soon crossed with Abderrahim Atmoun, a Moroccan parliament member since 2003, fluent in Italian, and in 2011 also became co-chair of the joint committee.
“This working relationship developed into a friendship,” Panzeri said during an interrogation. To show that the affection was mutual, just before the 2014 European elections, Abderrahim had a jazz club in Milan remodeled to unite the Moroccan diaspora, who could vote in Italy. Estimated cost of the renovation: 50,000 euros.
A few weeks later, at the end of July, the two men were decorated by King Mohammed VI.
Between January and February 2017, Panzeri exchanged his chairmanship of the Maghreb delegation for that of the Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI). This did not prevent him from maintaining good relations with Abderrahim Atmoun and Morocco. Between 2017 and the end of his mandate in July 2019, he was invited several times to Casablanca and Marrakesh, as he explained to the investigators. One stay, in particular, stood out: a week at La Mamounia, the country’s most prestigious hotel, where he was accompanied by friends, including Francesco Giorgi and Eva Kaili. The couple’s lawyers declined to comment.
In exchange for the luxurious stay, Panzeri claims he invited Abderrahim Atmoun to Italy four times. In October 2018, he supposedly accompanied Atmoun on a week-long trip to Cuba—all expenses paid.
In May 2019, Panzeri did not seek re-election. Instead, he founded an NGO in Brussels, Fight Impunity, and continued to foster close ties with the Moroccan state. But Morocco also sought to approach elected members of the European Parliament. Panzeri suggested four names to his friend Atmoun, according to his testimony: Brando Benifei, Alessandra Moretti, Andrea Cozzolino, and a fourth MEP.
According to Panzeri, these four MEPs were represented by staff members at a meeting with Atmoun in Rome. The whistleblower did not specify what was discussed during the meeting or claim that money or gifts were handed out.
“I have never asked Mr. Panzeri for support from a foreign community,” said Italian MEP Alessandra Moretti in her defense. “He told me that the Moroccan community supported certain candidates, including me, but I don’t know if that was true.”
And further: “I personally met Atmoun in 2019 because Panzeri introduced him to me as a Moroccan diplomat. We never discussed specific issues, and I haven’t been interested or involved in matters related to Morocco in recent years,” continued the S&D member. According to her, she had heard from Panzeri that Abderrahim Atmoun supported the campaigns of Benifei and/or Cozzolino. “But I always thought it was more boasting,” she said.
Brando Benifei, another MEP, responded: « I never had direct contact with Atmoun, neither through my assistants nor for the election campaign. » He claimed to know that Panzeri and his parliamentary assistant had suggested a meeting with Atmoun in Rome, « but I didn’t follow up on it, nor did I send anyone in my place, even though they insisted. » He added, “They also offered to set up contacts with representatives of the Moroccan community in Italy, but I didn’t think that would be particularly relevant or useful for my campaign. I had an email sent to a representative of the community, intending to arrange a meeting, but it never happened.”
“It goes without saying that I could never have imagined, nor could anyone, that this fairly limited and seemingly useless proposal from Panzeri would be part of a criminal activity to influence European democratic processes.”
Pickpocket on the Thalys
Even though Panzeri left the European Parliament in July 2019, he remained influential in Brussels, sought after for his experience and extensive contacts. A few months after leaving Parliament, “in October or November” 2019, a surprising revelation from one of his interrogations stated that Panzeri and his assistant, Francesco Giorgi, decided to stop working for free. They arranged a meeting with Atmoun at a restaurant in Brussels near Panzeri’s house. “We talked for a long time, and it was decided that we would each receive 50,000 euros annually.” Panzeri told investigators that he received 20,000 euros in a hotel room for that trimester, while Giorgi was given half that amount, plus a free trip to Morocco.
Due to the pandemic and health issues of one of the three, they couldn’t collect the payments in 2020 and early 2021, but things improved by June 2021. The two Italians drove to Paris, where Atmoun—now Moroccan ambassador to Poland—had connections. Panzeri and Giorgi returned with 50,000 euros in 50 and 100-euro bills.
In October 2022, they arranged another meeting in Paris, this time traveling by Thalys train. According to Panzeri’s interrogation, each received 25,000 euros. However, on the return trip, Panzeri encountered a discreet but lucky pickpocket. “I had divided the money: 10,000 euros in my suitcase and 15,000 euros in my backpack. When I arrived in Brussels, my bag was still there, but the money hidden inside was gone. I had 15,000 euros stolen from me.”
Qatar: The Goldmine
Alongside their dealings with Morocco, Panzeri and Giorgi also struck a deal with a high-ranking official from Qatar, Ali bin Samikh Al Marri, who was then the chairman of the Human Rights Commission.
In an authoritarian monarchy like Qatar, where everything is centralized and controlled, this Commission serves more as a showpiece for foreigners than as an independent institution.
During his interrogation, Panzeri placed the start of this business relationship in 2018 when he was chairman of the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights: « Al Marri decided to meet me. » The two shook hands in Brussels, after which the Italian and his assistant were invited to Doha in the spring of the same year. « At the end of this visit, we decided to sign a working agreement between the subcommittee and the Qatari Human Rights Office. » This partnership memorandum indeed exists, as recently revealed by Politico.
Panzeri was straightforward: with Al Marri, who later became the Minister of Labor in Qatar, the discussion about large sums of money began quickly. « Francesco Giorgi and I agreed to do some lobbying work. It was decided to set aside 1 million euros for 2018 and 2019, and then 250,000 euros per person per year from 2020 to 2024. » Initially, the money was split 60/40 in favor of Panzeri. « Afterward, it was 50/50. »
The funds promised by the Qataris were not immediately paid, not until « mid-2019. »
Panzeri knew that he was unlikely to run for a fourth term in the European Parliament. « I wanted to do some lobbying after ending my parliamentary activities. I never liked cash, and I’m only speaking for myself, not for Francesco Giorgi. »
His grand plan? To set up a company that would create a semblance of legality. That company was called « Equality ». Accountant Monica Bellini managed the administrative side. Qatar was supposed to funnel money into « Equality » through a Turkish company, but that didn’t go as planned. Panzeri suggested to the police that they didn’t trust the Turkish partner and mentioned Giorgi’s lack of enthusiasm. Before the COVID crisis hit, Qatar had deposited 250,000 euros into the company, but then everything paused.
Despite the slow start, Panzeri, the Qatari official, and Al Marri’s right-hand man, known as « The Algerian, » continued meeting, often discussing the European elections in May 2019. Qatar wasn’t happy that Panzeri wouldn’t run for office. « To continue the lobbying collaboration after my mandate, we needed MEPs who would definitely be elected. I gave the Qataris two names: Andrea Cozzolino and Lara Comi. Francesco Giorgi mentioned his partner, Eva Kaili. They needed money for their campaigns. »
Panzeri placed this meeting in Doha in March or April 2019. He wasn’t sure if Kaili was present but testified that he was convinced she was involved in the deal.
« I’m certain the Qataris decided to allocate 250,000 euros each for their election campaigns (Kaili, Cozzolino, and Comi), » Panzeri testified. Lawyers for Kaili and Cozzolino declined to comment on these new revelations. Lara Comi and her lawyer denied all allegations, as well as any trips to Doha in spring 2019.
According to Panzeri, Qatar honored its promise: « The money arrived at Francesco Giorgi’s house, in Tulpstraat (Ixelles), 1,250,000 euros in cash. I must admit that the agreement included 250,000 euros for both Francesco Giorgi and me. Giorgi distributed the money to everyone, including me. He gave it to Eva Kaili, Andrea Cozzolino… »
Panzeri also confessed to receiving 115,000 euros in cash from Doha in spring 2021 in Milan. The money was « in a plastic bag. »
The Trade Union Agenda
Another significant transfer was related to Qatar’s other alleged goal: buying compliance from trade unions, particularly in light of the labor rights violations in the country as it prepared for the FIFA World Cup. According to Panzeri, Al Marri’s team in 2018 had chosen Susanna Camusso as their candidate for the general secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), with Sharan Burrow as the rival candidate.
The ITUC has already faced controversy after Luca Visentini, elected general secretary in November 2022, admitted to receiving 50,000 euros in cash from Panzeri.
For Susanna Camusso, it was important to ensure that trade unions from Middle Eastern and African countries could pay their dues to the ITUC to secure voting rights. For this purpose, « The Algerian » handed 600,000 euros in cash to Panzeri, allegedly in Square Plasky in Schaerbeek. Camusso’s assistant reportedly stated that they only needed 50,000 euros, which was also delivered at Plasky. The remaining 550,000 euros? « I didn’t tell Giorgi about it, » Panzeri said. « Giorgi and I pocketed 25,000 euros each, leaving 500,000 euros that I kept at home. » This is the money that was found during a house search on December 9.
Camusso’s former campaign leader/assistant refused to answer questions, and Camusso herself denied ever discussing money with Panzeri.
« In 2018, when I was a candidate for the ITUC General Secretary position, Panzeri approached me and introduced me to the representative of an NGO that he said worked in the human rights sector in Qatar, » Camusso stated. « Given that Panzeri was chair of the Human Rights Subcommittee at the time, I had no reason to doubt his words. »
In 2018, Panzeri, then chair of the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights, initiated a relationship with Al Marri (who later became Qatar’s Minister of Labor) after a meeting in Brussels. Panzeri and his assistant were invited to Doha in spring 2018, where a working agreement between the subcommittee and Qatar’s Human Rights Office was signed. Politico later revealed the existence of this memorandum.
Panzeri was transparent about the financial discussions that followed. He and Francesco Giorgi agreed to engage in lobbying work, with Qatar allocating 1 million euros for 2018-2019, and subsequently 250,000 euros per year from 2020 to 2024. Initially, Panzeri took 60% of the funds, but later the split became 50/50. The promised funds, however, weren’t paid until mid-2019.
As Panzeri was not seeking re-election, he planned to continue lobbying after his parliamentary term. He established a company, Equality, to provide a veneer of legality, with Monica Bellini managing the administrative side. The intention was for Qatar to finance « Equality » through a Turkish company, but this arrangement faltered due to distrust in the Turkish partner and Giorgi’s lack of enthusiasm. Despite these setbacks, Qatar deposited 250,000 euros into « Equality » before the COVID crisis halted progress.
Regular meetings between the European and Qatari parties continued, often in the presence of « The Algerian, » Al Marri’s right-hand man. The 2019 European elections were a key topic, and Panzeri, not running himself, suggested Andrea Cozzolino and Lara Comi as candidates who needed campaign funding. Giorgi mentioned his partner, Eva Kaili. Panzeri placed a meeting in Doha in early 2019, during which the Qataris allegedly allocated 250,000 euros each for the campaigns of Kaili, Cozzolino, and Comi. Kaili’s involvement is disputed, with her lawyer denying the accusations, while Lara Comi and her attorney also denied any involvement or travel to Doha in spring 2019.
Panzeri further testified that Qatar fulfilled its financial promises, sending 1.25 million euros in cash to Francesco Giorgi’s house in Ixelles. Of this amount, 250,000 euros were set aside for Panzeri and Giorgi, who distributed the money among Kaili, Cozzolino, and others. Panzeri admitted to receiving an additional 115,000 euros in cash from Doha in Milan in spring 2021.
Trade Union Allegations
Panzeri also detailed another Qatari objective: influencing global labor unions ahead of the FIFA World Cup. Qatar allegedly backed Susanna Camusso for the general secretary position of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), with the plan to financially assist unions from the Middle East and Africa in order to secure voting rights. The Algerian reportedly handed 600,000 euros in cash to Panzeri in Schaerbeek’s Square Plasky, with 50,000 euros delivered to Camusso’s assistant. Panzeri kept 550,000 euros, splitting 50,000 euros between himself and Giorgi and storing the remaining 500,000 euros at home. This money was found during a police raid in December 2022.
Susanna Camusso denied discussing money with Panzeri, asserting that she had been introduced to a Qatari NGO representative by him in 2018, and had no reason to doubt his credibility at the time due to his role as chair of the Human Rights Subcommittee.
She recalls that the 2018 meeting took place during a lunch, but according to her, in a different restaurant than the one mentioned by Panzeri: “During this brief meeting, I was not asked to support the government of Qatar in any way. We didn’t discuss Qatar at all, and we didn’t talk about money. We only discussed the need to promote unions in Qatar.”
Camusso did not become the General Secretary. Burrow won the election.
This report still omits Member of the European Parliament Marc Tarabella (PS), who has been charged and imprisoned. In his recent interrogations, Antonio Panzeri confirmed the accusations made on December 9 and 10. He places the start of the clandestine payments to the mayor of Anthisnes shortly after the 2019 elections. However, unlike the other MEPs allegedly involved in the deal with Qatar, Tarabella was reportedly paid from Panzeri’s personal funds. He claims he paid Tarabella between €120,000 and €140,000 in total from late 2019 to June 2022. Tarabella and his lawyer deny these accusations.
Mauritania: €200,000 for an image problem “Mauritania has an image problem. They hired Mr. Panzeri for advice on what to do (…) As for my fee, I rented my apartment on Tulip Street to the Mauritanian ambassador. The rent was my fee. Panzeri received €25,000 in cash.” Francesco Giorgi explained to the police on December 10, the day after his arrest, that he had not only worked for Rabat and Doha but also for Nouakchott: in exchange for his advice, the Mauritanian ambassador to the EU was said to have agreed to rent Giorgi’s apartment for €1,500 per month, excluding costs. When Le Soir asked for comments in January, the Mauritanian embassy denied any involvement. They did not respond to our new request for comment.
In his recent statements, Panzeri is more specific and seemingly contradicts his former associate. Panzeri claims to have met the ambassador in Brussels in mid-2018. A few months later, after being invited to Nouakchott, he met Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, the then-president of the republic. The president supposedly “asked that we not speak badly of his country and that there should be a positive interest in the country.” This was a task that Panzeri and Giorgi supposedly accepted reluctantly, for which they received €100,000 each between 2019 and 2021.
Source : Knack, 25/02/2023
#Morocco #WesternSahara #AntonioPanzeri #FrancescoGiorgi #Qatargate #Moroccogate #Marocgate #ParlementEuropéen #Bribes
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